July 14, 2008

I Was Wondering...

email2.jpg As a relatively new faculty member, I am still fascinated by the kinds of requests I receive from students...and those that find me through email are particularly intriguing. It would be a mistake to try to categorize the "typical" student-request-email, however, given the variability in this type of specimen. Ranging from the topic-less and name-less, to the machinations of the most sublime wordsmiths, student-request-emails provide an endless wealth of linguistic features to consider. Still, given that the point of such an email is to obtain faculty approval or assistance of some sort, one wonders what features separate the successful from the unsuccessful requests.

Hartford & Bardovi-Harlig (1996) point out that students are placed in a unique situation when they consider the structure of their request. Specifically, the student must consider how to best protect his/her reputation as a competent member of the class (saving positive face) while simultaneously presenting the request in a way that maximizes the feedback obtained and minimizes the imposition on the professor's time (saving negative face). Juggling this mixture of goals can be quite challenging. The authors note that, in order to be successful, students must, "judge the degree of imposition...take into account the rights and obligations of the parties involved, and choose the most effective ways to influence the faculty's behavior..." (p. 55). Obviously, not all students are as effective at negotiating these requirements. These failed attempts were identified as Negative Affect Requests (NARs) and the authors suggest that they may be perceived as "rude or inappropriate" and may leave the professor with "some desire not to fulfill the request" (p. 56).

So, what separates a PAR (Positive Affect Request) from a NAR? Hartford & Bardovi-Harlig collected emails from their graduate students over the period of a year and then judged these emails on several categories including the use of linguistic forms, content, and the level of imposition. Regarding linguistic forms, they found that NARs contained more want statements, utilized "appreciate" not as an expression of gratitude, but as a part of the request itself (e.g., I'd appreciate finding out...), and showed more use of Please + Imperative (e.g., Please consider it.). In contrast, students who succeeded in creating a PAR utilized twice as many "Other" forms including "wonder" statements (e.g., I was wondering if...) and the use of mitigating words (e.g., kindly).

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July 2, 2008

What are men doing when they talk/write/email?

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Warning: This entry presents a compilation of ideas derived from a variety of articles in language and memory and is not meant to reflect an exhaustive or authoritative review of the literature!

What are men doing when they communicate? This is a question that keeps popping up in my mind as I review the literature on email and gender (sex) differences in language use. The convention seems to be that a long list of "feminine" language features (read: language characteristics used by women) is presented. Then, a much shorter list of "masculine" language features (read: language characteristics used by men) is sometimes offered. Not trusting my perception of this difference, I started to keep a list of the linguistic features ascribed to females and males in my readings.

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The Fluidity of Gender-Preferential Language

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Thomson, Murachver, & Green (2001) asked, "Where is the gender in gendered language?" Arguing that previous work on sex differences in language tended to ignore the dynamic nature of language-in-use, the authors present a series of studies in which they demonstrate that the use of gender-preferential speech is highly dependent upon the sociolinguistic context, the nature of the conversational topic, and the gender salience of the recipient.

In particular, the authors utilize the Communication Accommodation Theory (CAT) developed by Coupland et al. (1988) to explore the nature of sex differences in the language displayed in emails (p. 171). The basic idea is that people engaged in discussion tend to converge towards the language style used by their partner(s), increasing the similarity of the language features used among the group. Of course, in some cases, people can elect to diverge from the language style used by their partner(s), thus emphasizing the differences among the group. Furthermore, people may converge to the language style they think their partner(s) utilize, based on ideas about stereotypes or characteristics of certain social groups.

Thomson and his colleagues asked their participants to engage in a 2-week-long series of emails with 1) a partner who utilized language with typical feminine features and 2) a partner who utilized language with typical masculine features. In both cases, the email partner was actually one of the researchers. The linguistic features of the participants' emails were then coded and analyzed for signs of convergence towards the language style of the partner. Table 1 shows that when participants conversed with the "female" partner, they used feminine language features whereas when they conversed with the "male" partner, they used more masculine language features. A second experiment counterbalanced the gendered name of the partner (e.g., Jack vs. Jill) with the language style of the partner (masculine vs. feminine). Once again, the authors found evidence that participants converged towards the language style of the partner, displaying linguistic features consistent with that style. One interesting difference was that several sex differences did occur based on the participants' own gender...the authors argue that this difference could be due to a tendency to uphold one's own language style when the gender and language style of a partner do not match (p. 174).

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July 1, 2008

Feminine and Masculine Language in Email?

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In two related articles, Colley & Todd (2002) and Colley et al. (2004) explore whether the sex differences demonstrated in speech and writing transfer into the medium of email. In particular, they reference previous research showing that females utilize more emotional language, measured through the use of indicators of excitability (!!, very) and nonessentials ( ..., "weak"). In addition, the use of hedges (I guess) and tag questions (right?) led researchers to emphasize the "weak" nature of female language. In contrast, male language has been characterized as assertive and competitive, with more opinions given, and the use of longer monologues. These differences were summarized by Tannen as rapport talk (females) versus report talk (males).

Interestingly, these apparent sex differences, common in research conducting in the '70s, have begun to fade in more recent research. Perhaps this change is best explained by the shift in focus to the function of the language act and considering the context in which it is performed. For example, tag questions can function to include the listener in a conversation and are not, in such cases, a sign of uncertainty. In terms of context, the characteristics of both the speaker and the listener, as well as the setting of and purpose for the talk, can influence the type of language displayed. Finally, I'd point out that labeling relation-building language as "weak" is a reflection of inherent cultural stereotypes, apparent even in our own discipline-specific terminology.

In any event, the questions posed by Colley and colleagues are interesting because email, as a more informal medium, could serve to increase the use of feminine language style by both females and males. For example, Colley et al. (2004) argue that, "the informal conventions of e-mails may allow women to express emotional tone" (p. 376). And, Colley & Todd (2002) argue that when writers chose to diverge from (or converge towards) the recipient, increasing the use of feminine language would be an effective way to support rapport building (p. 390). The alternative, increasing or decreasing the use of masculine language would not be effective for this purpose, especially given its "adversarial" nature.

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June 30, 2008

Instant Musical Addiction...

pandora.jpg In the best case of stars aligning, I had two people recommend a new music website to me this weekend...and one of them sent a link directly in my email, so of course, I couldn't resist. Pandora allows users to create music stations based on their song or artist preferences. Seems like a simple concept, but it is oh so addicting! It wasn't hard for me to quickly develop 19 different stations ranging from Sunrise Radio to DeVotchKa Radio. And, if that isn't enough to keep you busy, you can elect to "Quick Mix" your stations...creating strange mixes that entertain for hours. Another great feature is that you can look up other people's mixes...for example, you can find people who have the same station and then check out what else they have created. Who knew that there would be five users already who have Jo's Lament Radio? It's pretty cool! But, be warned...remember what happened when Pandora opened that box...information overload is the plague of our times!

Check it out at Pandora.

June 26, 2008

Letters by Phone...

email8b.jpg Writing 10 years ago about the linguistics of email, Baron (1998) examines several challenges in determining its defining features. The author considers these challenges a direct reflection of the underlying difficulty in distinguishing written from spoken language. In other words, although the casual observer may like to categorize email use as either one or the other form of communication, such an identification presupposes that one can clearly determine what defines writing and speaking in the first place. Flexibility and fluidity are defining features of language in general, and this dynamic nature is clearly represented in the modalities we utilize for the expression of language as well.

In addition to this fundamental challenge, Baron also suggests that identifying the defining features of email is difficult because, as a relatively "new" form of communication, it is a system in flux. As she notes, "Email is more a moving linguistic target than a stable system..." (p. 144).

Still, Baron conducts a thorough comparison of email to written and spoken language on four dimensions including social dynamics, format, grammar, and style. In general, Baron concludes that email is most like writing in terms of social dynamics, most like speech in its lexical features and style, and reflects a mix of writing and speech in terms of format and its use of syntax (p. 155). I wonder whether users of email appreciate this multi-faceted structure, and suspect, instead, that its informal nature pairs it with speech in the minds of most people.

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